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邓小平与中国的变革

【英语】 邓小平与中国的变革 1st Edition

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书名: Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China
作者: Ezra F. Vogel (Author)
出版社: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press (September 26, 2011)
语言: English
ISBN-10: 0674055446
ISBN-13: 978-0674055445

Book Description
Perhaps no one in the twentieth century had a greater long-term impact on world history than Deng Xiaoping. And no scholar of contemporary East Asian history and culture is better qualified than Ezra Vogel to disentangle the many contradictions embodied in the life and legacy of China’s boldest strategist.

Once described by Mao Zedong as a “needle inside a ball of cotton,” Deng was the pragmatic yet disciplined driving force behind China’s radical transformation in the late twentieth century. He confronted the damage wrought by the Cultural Revolution, dissolved Mao’s cult of personality, and loosened the economic and social policies that had stunted China’s growth. Obsessed with modernization and technology, Deng opened trade relations with the West, which lifted hundreds of millions of his countrymen out of poverty. Yet at the same time he answered to his authoritarian roots, most notably when he ordered the crackdown in June 1989 at 天/安/门 Square.

Deng’s youthful commitment to the Communist Party was cemented in Paris in the early 1920s, among a group of Chinese student-workers that also included Zhou Enlai. Deng returned home in 1927 to join the Chinese Revolution on the ground floor. In the fifty years of his tumultuous rise to power, he endured accusations, purges, and even exile before becoming China’s preeminent leader from 1978 to 1989 and again in 1992. When he reached the top, Deng saw an opportunity to creatively destroy much of the economic system he had helped build for five decades as a loyal follower of Mao—and he did not hesitate.

Review
"Vogel offers a nuanced portrait of China's great reform leader Deng Xiaoping and a shrewd analysis of the political maneuvers by which he made such a large mark on history. By entering deeply into Deng's vision for China, Vogel shows how the person who forged the world's most successful example of modernizing authoritarianism understood how such a system could work. And he shows how a major leader can steer a huge country in a new historical direction. A terrific accomplishment." -- Andrew J. Nathan, Columbia University

"Not just a definitive biography of a world-class leader, but also the most authoritative and riveting account of the secretly contrived U.S.-Chinese strategic accommodation of 1978 and of how that in turn facilitated China's domestic transformation." -- Zbigniew Brzezinski

"A multilayered study of change and adaptability. At the core is one man's response to the dangers of a complex revolution. Around him is the transformation of the largest political entity in history from rural disarray and helplessness to an industrial and manufacturing giant. In between are ambitious and bewildered people in search of leadership. Vogel has made Deng Xiaoping's vision convincing, the Chinese maze comprehensible, and even the bit actors come alive." -- Wang Gungwu, National University of Singapore

"This is an impressive and important biography of one of the most important men of the twentieth century. Deng Xiaoping transformed China economically, politically, and socially. One of the most significant achievements for his and my country was the establishment of diplomatic relations between us. The book provides an excellent account of this historic event." -- President Jimmy Carter

"Deng Xiaoping's skill, vision, and courage in overcoming seemingly insuperable obstacles and guiding China onto the path of sustained economic development rank him with the great leaders of history. And yet, too little is known about the life and career of this extraordinary man. In this superbly researched and highly readable biography, Vogel has definitively filled this void. This fascinating book provides a host of insights into the factors that enabled Deng to triumph over repeated setbacks and lay the basis for China to regain the wealth and power that has eluded it for two centuries." -- J. Stapleton Roy, former U.S. Ambassador to China

"Deng could be tough, but he was direct and engaged. He was a person we could do business with, and I liked him a lot. He played an extraordinary role, bringing the world's largest nation into the modern world. We are fortunate that Vogel, one of our foremost China scholars, has now brought the man alive in this uniquely researched biography." -- Brent Scowcroft

About the Author
Ezra F. Vogel is Henry Ford II Research Professor of the Social Sciences, Emeritus, at Harvard University and former Director of Harvard’s Fairbank Center for East Asian Research and the Harvard University Asia Center.
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本书简介:傅高义的巨着《邓小平时代》,对邓小平一生走过的每个历史场景、对中国改革开放的奇险崎岖,均有严谨独到的透彻分析。

全书共分为六大部分:一、邓小平的背景和经历;二、曲折的掌权之路(1969-1977);三、开创邓小平时代(1978-1980);四、邓小平时代(1978-1989);五、邓小平时代的挑战(1989-1992);六、邓小平的历史地位。

[B]充分运用个人声望[/B]

邓小平无法忍受令毛泽东感到陶醉的个人崇拜。与毛时代形成鲜明对比的是,公共建筑里基本不摆放邓小平塑像,人们家中也几乎见不到悬挂他的画像。很少有歌颂他 成就的歌曲和戏剧。他也从未担任过党的主席或总理。学生们确实要学习邓小平的政策,也会引用他的名句,但并不需要花时间背诵他的语录。

然而,尽管不搞崇拜、也没有令人敬畏的头衔——他的职位不过是党的副主席、副总理和军委主席,邓小平却对权力的各个重要层面行使着有效的控制。他充分运用个人声望,大胆地创建了一套运作良好的体制,把一个国家建设得强大繁荣。

[B]善於区分大事小事[/B]

邓小平自早年起就享有一种声誉——他善於区分大事小事,将精力集中在能给中国带来最大变化的事情上:制定长期战略、评价可能决定长期目标成败的政策、争取下 级干部和群众的支持、宣传能体现他想实行的政策的典型。在一些重要但复杂的领域,例如经济或科技领域,邓小平依靠其他人去思考战略,然後向他说明不同的选 择,最後由他拍板。在另一些问题上,例如国防、与重要国家的关系和高层干部的选拔,邓小平会花更多时间摸清情况以便亲自制定战略。

自1952年就担任邓小平机要秘书的王瑞林,在向外界说明邓小平的意见时十分慎重,避免加上自己的理解。很多干部认为毛远新刚好相反,他在1975年末到 1976年初向外界解释毛泽东的意见时,往往用自己强烈的成见去渲染甚至补充毛泽东要他向其他干部传达的意见。王瑞林对任何事关党或政府的事都避免作出自 己的解释,尽管他与邓小平悠久的关系使他更像是邓家的一员。王瑞林不添油加醋这一点对邓小平来说很重要。有时在一些重要问题上,为使外界准确知晓他的想 法,他会写下主要观点,让王瑞林传达他的书面意见。

[B]受整体政治气氛限制[/B]

总书记胡耀邦是党务的执行官,总理赵紫 阳则是政府事务的执行官,他们将所有重要问题交邓小平最後定夺,但多是以书面形式,很少亲自面谈。胡耀邦主持中央政治局常委会和政治局例会(但主要是书记 处会议),赵紫阳主持国务院的会议。陈云和邓小平很少参加这类会议,均由机要秘书代为出席。赵紫阳在其口授的回忆录中说,他和胡耀邦更像是大秘书而不是决 策者,但他们要负责抓落实。

邓小平确实保留着拍板的权力,但通常他不会事必躬亲;他定大政方针,让胡耀邦和赵紫阳以自己认为最好的方式去落实他的指示。在作出最後决定时,邓小平会考虑政治气候和其他主要领导人的意见。虽然他做事独断而果敢,其实也受到政治局成员中的整体政治气氛的限制。

[B]特别看重国家权威[/B]

像其他高层领导人一样,在最寒冷的一、二月份,邓小平一般会去较温暖的地方住上几周。夏天他会去海滨城市北戴河避暑,那里是高层领导人休假并进行非正式交谈 的地方。但是对邓小平来说这些「休假」其实也是处理党务的机会。例如1984年他在广东和福建的经济特区过冬时,肯定了它们取得的成就,把它们确定为沿海 发展的样板。在1988、1990、1991和1992年,他视察上海时,推动了加快上海市发展的计划。

作为有十二年戎马生涯的军事领导 人,邓小平很看重权威与纪律。置身高位、参与治国後,他更看重国家的权威,因为他知道自鸦片战争後的一百年里,中国领导人在维护治国所需的权威上是多麽艰难。1950年代担任领导人时,他对毛泽东神一般的权力有亲身感受,他知道这种权力能成就什麽。然而他也看到,当这种权威在文革期间被消耗掉之後,再想做 成事又是多麽困难。

[B]领导人要听「建设性意见」[/B]

邓小平就像[词语过滤-#0048]领导层的其他同事一样,认为群众不仅需要在学校,而且需要在一生中不断接受宣传,要对他们进行「教育」,使之理解为何要遵守一定的规矩。而这种「教育」,需要辅之以人们对最高领导人一定程度的敬畏,以及对於胆敢蔑视权威可能给个人和家庭带来的後果的惧怕。

邓小平知道,他绝无可能让群众对他产生像对毛泽东那样的敬畏。但是,他对如何维持自己的权威也心中有数。他在担任头号领导人时已经享有个人威望,其基础是他 有五十年担任[词语过滤-#0048]领导人的资历、他过去的功绩、毛和周曾把他作为可能接班人的培养,以及他为国家作出正确决策的能力。直到1981年,毛泽东的形像一直有 着强大的影响,为维护自己的权威,邓小平必须表明对毛主席的尊重。但是,在1981年他把毛的基本思想定义为「实事求是」而被人们接受,还作出了承认毛泽 东1958年以後所犯错误的党史决议。这样一来,即便他在某些问题上背离了毛的观点,邓小平也足以维持自己的权威。

他支持「党内民主」的观点。对此他的理解是:领导人要倾听「建设性意见」,以减少犯严重错误的危险;但根据「民主集中制」原则,一旦作出决定,党员就要执行。

邓小平认为,发展经济可以加强党的权威和他个人的地位,这种估计被证明是正确的。当1983年至1984年经济迅速平稳发展时,邓小平的权威几乎不可撼动。当经济问题严重时,例如1980年代後期,中国陷入严重通货膨胀,社会上人心惶惶,邓小平的地位也因之受损。
弥补大陆版,虽对中国人而言论述浅白了些,但资料还是相当丰富!
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